The Wike/Fubara Conflict: Origins Of  The Dispute

Sir Siminalayi Joseph Fubara was virtually unheard of in the political landscape of Rivers State before the 2023 general elections. He had spent his entire career in the finance sector. However, in a desperate bid to find a level-headed governor for the people of Rivers, the then Governor, Nyesom Wike, took a bold step, defying all odds, and handed the ticket of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to Fubara without a contest.

The election was contested and won, but that was only the beginning. By August 2023, what had initially seemed promising began to sour over financial disputes. While Wike’s anger towards Fubara was partly attributed to the encroachment of his political structure by his political rivals, the real point of contention was the sharing formula for political appointments, which became the main issue that divided them.

The Genesis of the war:

Just a few months after Fubara assumed office as governor, he began to align himself with some of Wike’s political rivals, particularly those who had supported the PDP’s presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, in the 2023 elections. Wike had earlier driven these individuals out of Abuja, only for them to return home once Wike resumed his role as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

Concerns about losing his political structure and disagreements over the sharing formula for key government positions created growing mutual suspicion between the two leaders. This escalated when Wike insisted that all commissioners and key appointees should be nominated by him. While 14 of the commissioners initially came from Wike, Fubara was allowed to nominate just one.

The situation worsened when Fubara submitted two nominees to the House of Assembly, led by Rt. Hon Martins Amaewhule, for screening. Wike was immediately alerted, and the crisis erupted. According to a source close to the two men, “Their war of words began right there.”

The conflict deepened as reports indicated that some commissioners did not respect the governor’s authority. “At one point, the governor could not approve expenditures exceeding N30 million without clearance from Abuja,” the source added. Feeling frustrated and disrespected, Fubara even considered resigning. Multiple secret meetings were held, both within Nigeria and internationally, to resolve the crisis, but the situation only deteriorated.

The tensions reached a new height on October 29, 2023, when the Dome edifice of the House of Assembly in Moscow Road was bombed with dynamite. The next day, October 30th, the building was demolished, allegedly due to “structural defects.”

It later emerged that, based on intelligence reports, the governor had been informed—whether accurately or not—that there was a plan to initiate impeachment proceedings against him the following day. Acting on this information, Fubara arrived at the complex early in the morning to oversee the demolition of the building.

In an effort to mediate the crisis, President Bola Tinubu intervened, reaching out to both leaders in a bid to broker peace. However, despite the President’s efforts, the conflict did not subside.

With the situation worsening, Fubara’s cabinet began to crumble as Wike’s loyal commissioners resigned in large numbers. In response, the governor moved Dr. Edison Ehie, who had become Speaker of the House of Assembly, to the position of Chief of Staff. This strategic move was intended to prevent the leakage of sensitive government information to Wike. Ehie was replaced as Speaker by Rt. Hon Victor Oko-Jumbo, forming a new, smaller assembly with just three members.

This was compounded by the defection of 27 lawmakers loyal to Wike, who joined the APC and swore an affidavit at the Federal High Court in Abuja. In December 2023, Chief Tony Okocha, Abdulkarim Kana, and other APC leaders officially welcomed them into the party at the Port Harcourt Polo Club.

The political battle intensified when Wike realized that Fubara was gaining support nationwide, with groups and influential individuals offering their backing to the governor. This resulted in a parallel operation of the House of Assembly, with Amaewhule leading 26 pro-Wike lawmakers, while Oko-Jumbo headed a faction that supported Fubara, with only four members.

Local Government Elections

In a bid to solidify his control over the state, Fubara orchestrated a local government election on October 5, 2024, through the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC). Due to an injunction against the PDP, the governor was unable to field any PDP candidates. In a calculated move, Fubara used the court system to remove Wike’s loyalists from the 23 local government councils, directing his supporters to join the Action People’s Party (APP). All of them won their respective elections, further aggravating Wike and escalating the conflict.

Judicial Bias

The battle then moved to the courts, where the governor consistently won cases in Rivers State, while Wike emerged victorious in cases heard in Abuja. For instance, the state High Court ruled that Fubara could present the 2024 budget to the four-member House of Assembly and authorized government spending for the benefit of the people of Rivers. The court also ruled that the 27 lawmakers who defected were valid in their actions, and the governor was free to conduct government business with the Oko-Jumbo-led House.

Meanwhile, Wike was confident that he would prevail in Abuja. He was certain that he would receive justice from the Supreme Court when necessary, and he did.

Supreme Court

The long-running political crisis was finally brought to a head on February 18, 2025, when the Supreme Court delivered a ruling on four consolidated cases, all of which went against Fubara. The court halted the state’s allocation and ordered Fubara to resubmit the 2025 budget to Amaewhule’s House, among other decisions that sparked widespread condemnation, including from respected legal professionals across the country.

Most controversial was the inclusion of the defection case of the 27 lawmakers, which had not been brought before the Apex Court, in the final judgment. This raised suspicions that the ruling was not an independent judgment but rather an afterthought designed to appease certain interests.

Emergency Rule

The Supreme Court’s ruling fueled the ambitions of the 27 lawmakers. Within 24 hours, the House of Assembly issued a 48-hour ultimatum for Fubara to present the budget. Shortly after, they gave another 48-hour deadline for the governor to submit a new list of commissioners for screening, demanding the removal of the 19 commissioners who had not been properly screened by the Assembly.

Within a week, the Amaewhule-led Assembly served both the governor and his deputy with letters accusing them of gross misconduct, signaling a forthcoming probe. The Assembly also called for an investigation by the Department of State Services (DSS) into the alleged age falsification of the state’s Chief Judge, Justice Simeon Amadi.

In a further twist, a warrant was issued for the arrest of the Chairman of the RSIEC, Justice Adolphus Enebeli (rtd). Events unfolded rapidly, leading to a realization among all parties, including the governor, that his political career was nearing its end.

Final Nail

In a shocking development on Tuesday, March 18, exactly one month after the Supreme Court judgment, President Bola Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers State. He suspended the governor, his deputy, and the House of Assembly, bringing an end—albeit temporarily—to the ongoing political crisis in the state.

What are the broader implications of this conflict for the political future of Rivers State?

Between Wike and Fubara, who is more responsible for the crisis, and why?

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